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Z ohran Mamdani became mayor of New York City on a simple, focused economic platform: fast and free buses , universal childcare, cheaper groceries, and a rent freeze. His supporters envisioned him ushering in a fresh economic order. His critics feared the worst — a cabal of heavy-handed leftists who would plunge the city into fiscal chaos.
A year after Mamdani’s election, New York’s economy doesn’t look like the stuff of socialist dreams — or capitalist nightmares. Zohranomics is unfolding at a piecemeal pace. Unable to unilaterally raise taxes on the rich, the mayor is championing a pied-à-terre tax on wealthy residents who don’t live in the city full-time (or say so on their tax filings). His municipal grocery store endeavor is a modest five-location work in progress.
The city is focused on the “fast” half of the bus plan and has put the “free” part on the back burner. Like his predecessors, Mamdani is dedicating a lot of time and resources to housing. He orchestrated a rent freeze on 1 million rent-stabilized apartments — one of his most controversial and impactful moves so far, though not unique to his administration. Many of the mayor’s policy moves have been administrative measures: cutting red tape for small businesses, rooting out government inefficiencies , pension maneuvering to balance the city budget. And, the administration is trumpeting small-scale wins on filling potholes and making it easier to cancel subscriptions.
The list of accomplishments sounds more like a standard Democratic think-tank wish-list than a Bolshevik manifesto. Mamdani is governing like a leftist populist with the instincts of a city operations nerd — but his biggest economic bets are yet to be made.
New York is an incredibly rich city, with a private wealth pool of over $3 trillion and an annual GDP of roughly $1.3 trillion. It’s also a city with stark economic divides. It has a 25% poverty rate, meaning more than 2 million New Yorkers live below the poverty line. (In comparison, the national poverty rate is 10%.) From 2019 to 2024, almost two-thirds of New York City’s income growth went to the top 1%, according to the city’s comptroller, compared to 39% nationally. The costs of childcare, housing, and basic necessities are increasingly daunting. Those economic dynamics propelled Mamdani to the mayorship.
The list of accomplishments sounds more like a standard Democratic think-tank wish-list than a Bolshevik manifesto.
“A lot of people love this city, but not as many of them can live here,” the mayor said in a recent podcast interview with comedian Theo Von.
But the immutable truth facing any New York City mayor is that there is not much they can do to influence the economy. Much of New York’s financial engine runs on its own. New York’s state government sets most of the city’s taxes. The national and global economies affect New Yorkers’ pocketbooks, too.
Mamdani’s program is to, where possible, wield the city’s influence to lower costs and shift some of New York’s power structures toward the traditionally less powerful. That means pairing rent regulations with initiatives to stimulate more homebuilding and pressuring the state to secure funding for a new free 2-K program . The city is weighing public options where the private markets fail to deliver, such as the grocery store initiative and new government-backed property and liability insurance for landlords. It’s investing $30 million into an NYU quantum computing lab in exchange for a cut of its profits. And, it’s pushing the idea that the wealthy could stand to chip in more and pay higher taxes.
Mamdani’s programs are universal instead of means tested. Many middle- and upper-middle-class will be able to put their kids in free 2-K programs and live in rent-stabilized apartments.
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This is a more expansive vision than a standard anti-poverty agenda — and a politically riskier one. New York is a crowded, raucous city where almost everyone sees themselves as an underdog, from billionaires to bodega owners to beleaguered renters. And when everyone feels like the system is stacked against them, any change is bound to make someone feel newly wronged.
To his progressive allies, Mamdani’s approach is an attempt to prove that local government can directly respond to constituents. The hope is that tackling and touting the little things, like snow shoveling and trash pickup, will build trust that they can use to address the big things. It doesn’t sound as radical as socialism, says Elizabeth Wilkins, the president and CEO of the Roosevelt Institute, a progressive think tank, but it’s “radical in the degree to which people have lost faith in the idea that the government cares about how they experience the economy or that the government could do anything about it.”
Housing is the arena where the mayor has made the biggest difference to New Yorkers on both material and rhetorical fronts. In June, the mayor-appointed Rent Guidelines Board voted to enact a two-year rent freeze on about 1 million rent-stabilized apartments in New York City, affecting an estimated 2 million residents. Meanwhile, he has advanced the argument that the root of the city’s affordability crisis is a lack of housing and taken big steps to construct more. He’s set out to build 200,000 more affordable homes and preserve another 200,000 over the next decade. His administration has identified city-owned land that could be turned into housing. They’ve created a task force to speed up affordable housing production and eliminate administrative barriers and delays, from tweaking the city’s housing lottery system to reforming environmental review processes. The mayor has even nudged President Donald Trump to allow building on public sites, such as Sunnyside Yards, a rail hub in Queens.
“Each change may be modest, but they are important and collectively can add up to some meaningful changes,” says Ingrid Gould Ellen, a professor of urban policy and planning at NYU, of the administrative efforts.
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Early in his tenure, Mamdani launched “rental ripoff” hearings , providing a platform for tenants to air their frustrations. It signaled to the city’s renters that he’s on their side and cast bad landlord behavior as both a housing-quality problem and a consumer-protection problem. Mamdani has extended an olive branch to landlords in announcing an initiative to lower their insurance costs, but the shift in priorities is making many of them feel unfairly targeted.
“The tone put us on edge,” says Ann Korchak, the board president of the Small Property Owners of New York.
Rent freezes aren’t a new idea — they were put in place three times under former Mayor Bill de Blasio on a similar number of rent-stabilized apartments. The policy’s proponents point to that as evidence that the sky won’t fall this time around. Its critics note that the freezes haven’t curbed the upward march of the city’s housing costs in the past and argue that this time would be especially detrimental, since landlords’ costs are higher and increasing faster than they were a decade ago.
Then there’s the question of how the funding will come together for Mamdani’s ambitious housing plans, and how much private developers and lenders will play ball. The rent freeze, which guarantees at least two years of flat revenues for rent-stabilized buildings, could lead to higher borrowing costs and financing challenges for builders, says Howard Slatkin, the executive director of the Citizens Housing and Planning Council. Broader economic conditions that shape financing — most notably interest rates — are entirely out of the administration’s control. Building and operating housing is expensive, and “we haven’t yet seen what they are thinking will move the needle on those costs,” Slatkin says. Building code reform, for example, could make the math work better. The administration is looking at it, but it’s a slog.
Not all public land is suitable for housing, as parcels may be awkward shapes and sizes or have zoning and legal limitations. The administration has released a tracker that identifies over 100 city-owned sites it says could yield more than 50,000 homes. Some of this space isn’t empty: In Bensonhurst, the city is seeking to redevelop the existing New Utrecht Library as a brand-new library plus 200 apartments.
The pied-à-terre tax is a financial knock to those subject to it, but it’s a minuscule part of New York’s overall fiscal picture. The mayor’s office estimates the tax could bring in $500 million annually, though the comptroller says it could be $340 million-$380 million, given exemptions and the likelihood some homeowners would change their behavior to avoid the tax. For context, the city’s most recent annual tax revenue was $85.4 billion.
Success depends on how many units are built, and their size, location, and cost. It also matters how fast construction moves, since delays are expensive. By the city’s own estimate , New York needs 700,000 new homes over the next 10 years to address its housing shortage, meaning 70,000 homes a year, well above the net increase of 43,800 new units the city had in 2025. The Mamdani administration itself has acknowledged that it can take eight years for an affordable housing project to be conceived to a family actually being able to move in. It’s seeking to cut eight months from the process and shrink the timeline from endeavors requiring zoning changes by two years.
“To make a serious dent in our housing crisis, we need to build more quickly and efficiently,” Gould Ellen, the professor, says.
Mamdani has recast the deputy mayor for economic development role as deputy mayor for economic justice, a move meant to signal an administration focused on fairness, not only growth. He put in place a tenacious regulator at the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection, which has tried to convey that the city is willing to use its weight to address relatively mundane headaches by cracking down on bad actors in food delivery , self-storage, and even dentistry. Emily Eisner, executive director of the Fiscal Policy Institute, a progressive think tank, says she sees much of the DCWP’s actions as “small potatoes” in terms of actual affordability, but there’s something “symbolically important” about people seeing the government stand up for them.
The Mamdani administration is also trumpeting small-scale wins on filling potholes and making it easier to cancel subscriptions.
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On small business, the administration has released 50 proposed reforms meant to cut red tape. They’ve also put forth ballot proposals to speed up processes for building ramps and sidewalk cafes in public spaces and reduce paperwork for city contractors. On big business, as much as Mamdani’s rhetoric and political affiliation as a democratic socialist spooked some leaders , his mayoralty hasn’t caused a corporate exodus. Anthropic, Fanatics, and Deloitte decided to expand in Manhattan this year. His bet is that corporations will stay and thrive in New York without City Hall bending over backward for them.
The best economic policy may be for the Knicks to win the NBA championship every year, jokes Andrew Rigie, executive director of the NYC Hospitality Alliance.
“People oftentimes, even more than getting what they want, they want to feel seen and heard,” Bradley Tusk, a venture capitalist, political strategist, and Andrew Cuomo ally, says. For CEOs and big business, that’s not happening as it did with other administrations, Tusk says. A City Hall spokesperson points out that the mayor has put together a Business Advisory Council , hosted an international business roundtable during the United Nations General Assembly, and has held multiple meetings with prominent business leaders, including JPMorgan’s Jamie Dimon and Goldman Sachs’ David Solomon.
New Yorkers may enjoy small financial reprieves, but the bigger challenge is bringing down the cost of bigger-ticket items. Mamdani’s plan to open five city-run grocery stores is unlikely to move grocery prices significantly in a city of over 1,000 grocery stores and 10,000 bodegas and corner stores. The administration says it’s chosen densely populated neighborhoods for the grocery store sites in hope of making a large direct and indirect impact on New Yorkers in those areas.
Julie Samuels, the president and CEO of trade group Tech: NYC, says that Mamdani has moderated in City Hall, though he hasn’t yet focused as much on job growth and economic development as administrations past. One place he has succeeded: the vibes.
“Economic policy is also dictated by whether or not their employees want to be somewhere,” she says. “And if employees want to be in New York, then the tech companies will be here, then the banks will be here.”
Reflected in the nature of Mamdani’s policy proposals is a belief that the city’s livability and affordability problems aren’t reserved for the poor. In turn, his programs are universal instead of means tested, so that any New Yorker can access them, regardless of income. Many middle- and upper-middle-class will be able to put their kids in free 2-K programs and live in rent-stabilized apartments that now won’t get more expensive for a couple of years. If the buses ever do become free, that will apply to everyone who rides them.
Mamdani and Karl-Anthony Towns at the Knicks championship parade in June.
Angelina Katsanis/Getty Images
The best economic policy may be for the Knicks to win the NBA championship every year, jokes Andrew Rigie, executive director of the NYC Hospitality Alliance. But that’s in Jalen Brunson’s hands, not Mamdani’s.
Many of Mamdani’s biggest promises can’t be fulfilled in Manhattan but instead up in Albany, where the state legislature and Gov. Kathy Hochul have the reins. Any plans to raise taxes or increase the minimum wage depend on a statehouse three hours away.
James Parrott, a labor economist at The New School and the city’s chief economist for two years under former Mayor David Dinkins, says the city has “never had a mayor who has made such a concerted drive to get Albany to do more to help.” Mamdani has campaigned aggressively for Hochul, deploying his armament of clever viral videos to help get her reelected.
Closer to home, a major collision is brewing with city labor. Large public-sector union contracts are coming up for renegotiation, including District Council 37 and the United Federation of Teachers, which each have tens of thousands of members. The city itself is New York’s largest employer. Soon, the mayor will find himself seated across the negotiating table from the labor he pledged to champion on the campaign trail. Because New York City generally relies on pattern bargaining — where one major union’s agreement sets the standard for others — the stakes are high for all of the city’s employees. They’re also high for a mayor who wants to signal that he values the city’s municipal workforce while keeping the city’s finances on a solid footing.
Mamdani will, like every mayor, have to make a number of hard choices, including ones that don’t grab headlines. He sued the New York City Council to block a bill that would grant a one-time $10,000 bonus to public school paraprofessionals because it falls outside collective bargaining. He was able to close the city’s budget gap by restructuring the city’s municipal pension payments, but accounting maneuvers can’t replace structural shortfalls. If tax revenues flatten or state aid from Albany stalls, the administration will have to choose between scaling back on core goals or making painful spending cuts. This isn’t the kind of stuff that goes in a press release or a TikTok video.
“The administration has been really, really focused on getting short-term, press-friendly wins,” says Michael Kinnucan, health policy director at the Fiscal Policy Institute and a longtime progressive activist. “It sends a message about where its concerns are.”
Emily Stewart is a senior correspondent at Business Insider, writing about business and the economy.
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